Augustine

toc =Background=

The character of Graeco-Roman political thought began to change with the arrival of Christianity. “Christianity introduced a whole series of questions which were largely alien to classical thought” (Brown //et al.//, p. 95). In the context of Brown //et al.//’s text concerning international relations, the most obvious question raised was in relation to “the justice of the use of force” (ibid.). Moreover, changes //vis-à-vis// the Roman empire brought about an increasing “plurality in political thought and practice” (ibid.). Also, new political and religious movements emerged, such as Islam (after the seventh century).


 * (connection missing with previous paragraph 1186051762)** Aurelius Augustinus (b. November 13, 354 - d. August 28, 430) was one of the most important figures in the development of Christianity. He developed the concepts of just war and original sin. He is considered a saint by the Roman Catholic and Anglican denominations.

Augustine spent the majority of his life in Northern Africa and eventually became Bishop of this region. He is particularly revered for the prolific nature of his philosophical writings - completing over one hundred titles during his lifetime. Augustinus is remembered as one of the main figures who implemented the philosophical merger of the Greek classical tradition with the Judeo-Christian traditions. Philosophically, his writings bridge the gap between the Humanism of the Classical world and Christianity of Medieval times. Augustinus managed to fuse the teachings of the prima facie opposing concepts of Platonism and Christianity, allowing for the development of Christian thought. His works have been considered highly influential, even into the Modern era (as evidenced in the works of Descartes) **(Unclear what evidence is being referred to here 1186051762)**.

It was perhaps his training as a classical rhetorician which allowed the philosopher to so eloquently express his originally Greco-Roman philosophies which placed emphasis on knowledge and 'illumination', the importance of the human will and eventually focused on a new mode of conceptualising the 'phenomena' of human history **(unclear - relevance also unclear 1186051762)**. It is within his accounts of the human condition which allowed him to develop his philosophical thought from the Hellenistic (Classical) approach of the Greco-Roman tradition (which provided an optimistic perspective of rationalism and human discipline to achieve goodness), towards a grimmer account of the human condition (a pessimistic conclusion that the un-aided human will is ineffective) **(why is this grim? God helps everyone 1186051762)** and his subsequent pronouncement of the human destiny as punishable by God. Effectively, Augustinus developed the concept of Original sin and ultimately proclaimed the superiority of Christian culture over the Greco-Roman tradition.

(The sources of the above information include [|Wikipedia], the [|Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy], and the [|Internet Encyclopaedia of Philosophy])

Botticelli, c. 1480 (Renaissance painting, far right)//**
 * //Saint Augustine of Hippo,


 * (integrate better with the above paragraphs 1186051762)** Augustine was a most influential thinker of his time whose “writings would shape the destiny of the Christian West” (Brown //et al.//, p. 101). Famously, he “challenged the effective equivalence of Roman and Christian”, which hitherto had been the dominant view as espoused in the Constantinian and Byzantine model of the Eusebian tradition (ibid., pp. 100-101). Under this model, the emperor represented God and was, thus, beyond question or reproach” (ibid., p. 98). So, for example, “Constantine’s victory and reign was thus a unique sign of divine providence and his empire is but an earthly reflection of the Kingdom of Heaven” (ibid., pp. 98-99).

Augustine’s longevity as a writer assured him an enormous insight into political, social, and religious upheaval over a period of 40 years. It has been noted that his considerable political thought and prolific writings—his most important book being //The City of Gods against the Pagans//—encompass five separate areas: (1) the Roman empire and its place in the divine plan and relationship to Christianity; (2) human nature and relationships in society; (3) the church and its relationship with the secular world; (4) religious coercion; and (5) the just war (Brown //et al.//, p. 102).

The main distinction in Augustine’s political thought is conveyed by his notion of “two cities”—the earthly city and the city of God—which challenged the Constantinian and Byzantine model **(what were these models? 1186051762)**. Being opposed to this model’s view of politics, Augustine refused to accept that the “Christian empire”, by virtue of definition, deserved defence. Brown //et al//. (pp. 102-103) indicate that for Augustine:
 * Rome (and by extrapolation, any earthly city) is not the “city of God”.
 * The Roman empire (and by implication any earthly society) is of itself neither holy nor diabolical. As a human work, its ultimate value can be determined by the piety or impiety of its creators.
 * The city of God and the earthly city are mutually exclusive and everybody belongs to either the city of God or the earthly city, however, all existing societies have “citizens” of both in them, including, importantly, even the church itself.
 * The secular power is not the image of the earthly city and, likewise, the spiritual power is not just the image of the city of God. However, the church, while not being the image, is __the carrier of the idea__ of the heavenly city.
 * Until their separation in the last judgment, “the two cities are inextricably interwoven and mingled with each other” (//City of God//, 1.35). Because the conflict between the two cities is central to them, all societies are ambiguous and riven.
 * In regard to the relations between the city of God and the earthly city, the “ultimate orientation” of people’s “loves” (i.e., their wills) is directed towards one, and only one, of the two cities (Book 19 of the //City of God//). However, their lesser orientations (i.e., “intermediate loves”)—which Augustine thinks belong to the political realm—can be directed in other directions and, therefore, can forge commonalities between citizens of both cities. By way of example, citizens of both cities appreciate “earthly peace”—namely, satisfaction of material needs, security from violence, and civil peace.

Brown //et al.// (p. 103) note that, although not recognised by Augustine, there are tensions in Augustine’s view of the relations between the two cities (whereby the “ultimate orientation” of people’s “loves” is aimed at //only// one of the two cities and “intermediate” areas of human life are contained within the political realm): for instance, “Augustine’s view of the church, which feeds into his justification of religious coercion under some circumstances, makes [the church] look at times suspiciously like a state and was certainly influential on much political thought in the early middle ages”.

In addition to religious coercion, the authors (p. 103) note a similar tension in Augustine’s “discussion of the use of force more generally”. That is, Augustine perceived the inevitability war and conflict given the “fallen” nature of the human condition and, hence, considered that in some situations it might be justifiable (and, moreover, a Christian’s duty) to be involved.

While far less sanguine about the use of force than other political thinkers of his time, Augustine accepted that at times the use of force may be just although any wars would be “few and far between” and still terrible (Brown //et al.//, p. 103). For Augustine, the need for force could arise in defensive situations or to “remedy some grave injustice … [and] be fought by properly constituted public authorities and prosecuted within some bounds of human decency” (ibid.).

Brown //et al.// (p. 105) note that ‘[i]t is … unquestionably Augustine who is the most important symbolic influence on the development of Western political thought, though it is perhaps the overarching framework erected most clearly in //The City of God//, [i.e., Augustine’s central model of the two cities] rather than specific ideas, that is his greatest legacy. … [The model of the two cities] remained what we might call the ideological ‘center of gravity’ of the West until the Aristotelian revolution of the thirteenth century.”

=Summary of reading= From //The City Of God against the Pagans// This work of Augustine's would become one of the most influential books in Christendom.

[|Book 4], chs. 1-5
1. //Of the matters discussed in the first book// In Chapter 1 of Book 4, Augustine reminds readers of the matters he discussed in Book 1 and that there are matters he raised in Book 1 which are outstanding for discussion. He refers to the “enemies” of the city of God, being those “who pursue earthly joys and long only for fleeting things” and who complain vehemently against the Christian religion for adversities arising from these pursuits and desires, as well as “extraordinary events”. Augustine is clear that in his view the Christian religion is the only “saving and true” religion, and goes as far as condemning the pagan’s “false gods” who give imprimatur to “damnable deeds” committed by humans. Augustine sets out to prove the validity of Christianity, and the falsehood of other gods.

2. //Of those things which are contained in the second and third books// Augustine is concerned to disprove the allegation that the Christian religion is to blame for the demise of the city of Rome and the provinces of its empire. He aims to do this by appealing to the empirical evidence of “evils” and natural disasters suffered by Rome and its empire prior to both the emergence of the Christian religion and the religion proscribing sacrifices to the “demons”. Augustine states that “moral evils” are “the only evils” or “the greatest evils”. In this chapter, Augustine continues his attack on “the demons whom the Romans worshipped as Gods”, and the immorality brought upon the Romans by these demons, and praises the virtue of the Christian God.

In response to the idea that it was the suppression by Christians of Roman rituals which caused the sacking of Rome by the Goths in 410, Augustine argues that natural disasters had been happening long before the "name of Christ had suppressed those rites of Romans." He quotes Apuleius ( from //De Mundo//) who supports this point.

Augustine speaks of the two types of evils - moral evils and external evils or those which cause bodily harm.

3. //Whether so broad an empire, when acquired only by warfare, should be counted among the good things of the wise or happy// In this chapter, Augustine addresses the question: “Is it wise or prudent to wish to glory in the breadth and magnitude of an empire when you cannot show that the men whose empire it is are happy?” Augustine implies that the Romans “always lived in dark fear and cruel lust”, i.e., they pursued empire notwithstanding the disastrous consequences of war and their fear that their empire could crumble. In contrast, happiness is to be found in living peacefully and worshipping the “true” God and through the rule of “good men”, who “profit … human affairs”. Moreover, wicked rulers only harm themselves because the evils inflicted on good men by such rulers “are not the punishment of crime, but the test of virtue. Therefore the good man is free even if he is a slave, whereas the bad man is a slave even if he reigns”.

Asks 'Is it wise or prudent to wish to glory in the breath and magnitude of an empire when you cannot show that the men whose empire it is are happy?

Argues that a poor, but Christian man, may have a more profitable life than a wealthy, but not Christian man.

States that the reign of the wicked injures only the wicked, and not those who are virtuous.

The good man is free even if he is a slave, whereas the bad man is a slave even if he reigns.

4. //How like kingdoms without justice are to bands of robbers// In this chapter, Augustine likens kingdoms without justice to “great bands of robbers”. Augustine’s clever simile shows there is little difference between a pirate of the sea, who is labelled a robber, and a plunderer of “the whole world”, who is called an emperor.

Without justice, a 'kingdom' is just a collection of robbers bound together for greed.

5. //Of the revolt of the gladiators, whose power came to resemble the dignity of kings// Augustine, by recounting the uprising of the gladiators against the Romans, uses this chapter to dispel the notion that the gods worshipped by the Romans are responsible for the triumphs and prosperity of the empire. Or else, if the Romans have benefited from the divine intervention of gods, then so must have the gladiators, who almost succeeded in overwhelming the Romans.

If the benefit which lasts a short while can be attributed to the gods, then the gladiators have received considerable help.

[|Book 19], chs. 11-14, 17
11. //Of the happiness of eternal peace, which is the end or true perfection of the saints//

Augustine suggests that, as in the case of eternal life, peace may be referred to as representing “our Final Good”. To support this suggestion he refers to a holy psalm concerning the City of God (i.e., Jerusalem). The holy psalm speaks of the City of God being surrounded by borders of peace and Augustine states that the “peace of her borders” should be understood “to be a reference to that final peace which we here wish to demonstrate”.

However, Augustine resolves a terminology concern. First, he notes that the term “peace” is often used in relation to mortal affairs, where eternal life for sure does not exist. Thus, he prefers to use the term “eternal life” rather than “peace” in depicting the end of the City of God, “where [the end of this City’s] Supreme Good will be found”. Second, Augustine apparently notes a potential confusion if the term “eternal life” //vis-à-vis// the City of God were applied to both those who are without sin and the “ungodly”. Therefore, to clarify understanding, he chooses to call the end of the City of God (in which will be possessed the Supreme Good) either “peace in life eternal” or “life eternal in peace”. Moreover, Augustine contends that peace is the greatest desire, even in the case of earthly and mortal affairs.

Augustine states:


 * 'Peace' equals 'Final Good', but is frequently used in connection with mortal affairs.


 * Those that don't believe in God may believe that the end of their 'wicked' life will result in eternal life.


 * It is peace that we all aim for; there is nothing better than peace.

12. That //even the ferocity of war and all the discords of men have, as their end, the peace which every nature desires//

Augustine considers that an examination of human affairs and the common human nature will show that there is no one who does not ultimately wish to have peace; “even when men choose to wage war, they desire nothing but victory” or “to achieve peace with glory” through the subjugation of their enemies. Even those who look to disrupt an existing state of peace do so in order to exchange it for a new peace of their choice. Indeed, in every possible situation, whether domestic matters or of the state, the end goal sought after is peace, including one’s internal peace or “the peace of his own life”. Put differently, in Augustine’s view, peace is a universal objective.

Augustine notes that:


 * Everyone ultimately desires peace. Even those who launch wars desire peace, as the subjugation of the opposition will lead to peace.


 * Even robbers desire peace. It is in their own interests to seek peace with those that they cannot kill and a robber will at least seek peace within his own household. He will impose whatever measures are necessary to achieve obedience to him, thus peace.


 * A king is essentially a robber who has been granted the obedience of many, rather than a few.


 * All men have the desire for peace amongst their own people, and a desire to enforce this peace on those they wage war against.


 * Cacus, the wild savage semi-man made peace with himself in order to feed himself and quench his desire for food. He had been able to go beyond simply making peace with himself and make it with others, he would have not been the wild semi-man.


 * Even savage beasts protect a kind of peace in the life-cycle; i.e mating, feeding, nesting.


 * Pride is the perverted imitation of God, imposing dominance rather than equality under God.


 * Even that which is perverse still has a kind of peace to it. E.g, in the case of someone hanging upside down-the peace of the flesh is disturbed, but the spirit is still at peace with the body and strives to protect it.

13 //Of the universal peace which the law of nature preserves through all disturbances, and by which, through God's ordinance, everyone comes to his just desert//

In this chapter, Augustine begins by further delineating peace and its presentation in a myriad of situations and circumstances. Finally, "[t]he peace of all things lies in the tranquillity of order; and order is the disposition of equal and unequal things in such a way as to give to each its proper place.” Even in the situation of war there must be some degree of peace “not because of the nature of war itself, but because war can only be waged by or within persons who are in some sense natural beings: beings who could not exist at all if peace of some kind did not exist within them.” Nature, created or given by God, is free of evil and it cannot exist without good.

The wretched are not at peace in the way that those who are enlightened are, but when they realise their position in life they attain some level of peace. They are not as serene as the non-wretched, but more at peace than they would have been.

There is no war without peace, because war is launched by humans who cannot exist if some form of peace within them did not exist.

God, as the most wise Creator, has given to men good things. Mortals who make right use of the goods given for peace of men shall receive ampler or better goods,

14 //Of the order and law which hold sway in heaven and on earth, according to which it comes to pass that human society is served by those who rule it//

Augustine distinguishes between aiming for “earthly peace” in the earthly city and “eternal peace” in the Heavenly City.

Augustine differentiates between the desires of beasts and humans. He says that in man there is a __rational__ soul and the peace of that soul—constituted by the ordered agreement of thought and action through some degree of contemplation—is regarded by him, unlike by beasts, as supreme. For the purpose of the rational soul, man seeks to “arrive at some useful knowledge and regulate his life and morals according to that knowledge.” But to attain peace of the rational soul requires divine guidance and aid “because of the infirmity of the human mind.” Moreover, man in his mortal body is “far from the Lord” and, therefore, on his earthly journey relies on faith, not on sight. In so doing he “refers all peace … to that peace which mortal man has with the immortal God, so that he may exhibit an ordered obedience, in faith, to the eternal Law.”

Augustine states that God, as our Master, teaches us two principles: love of God and love of neighbour. Further, in these principles, a man discovers three things which he is to love: God, himself, and his neighbour. By loving God, man inevitably loves himself. And, he will endeavour to ensure that his neighbour loves God, since he is required to love his neighbour as he loves himself. Furthermore, he will endeavour “to do the same for his wife, his children, his servants, and all other men … [and] will wish his neighbour to do the same for him, if he should have need of such help.” Consequently, man will be at peace with all men; there will be that peace among men which consists in well-ordered concord.” And, the order of this concord will be: (1) that a man should harm no one; and (2) that he should do good to all, to the extent possible, beginning at home. The secret to domestic peace is man’s caring for others in his household, and peace is “an ordered concord with respect to command and obedience among those who dwell together.” However, those who command (e.g., husbands over wives, parents over children, masters over servants) are the servants of those that obey them, “[f]or it is not out of any desire for mastery that they command; rather, they do so from a dutiful concern for others: not out of pride in ruling, but because they love mercy.” (In this regard, note the title of Augustine’s chapter.)

Peace of the body and peace of the soul equals harmony of life and health. Mortals are in need of divine aid and can walk on in faith.

Man must care first for his domestic household.

In a household of just men, even those who command are servants to God.

17 //What produces peace, and what discord, between the Heavenly City and the earthly//

Augustine draws our attention to the difference between those who live by faith in God and the eternal life and those who do not. He makes a comparison between the earthly city, which does not live by faith and desires only an earthly peace (through civic obedience and rule), and that part of the Heavenly City “which is a pilgrim” in the mortal world and which lives by faith. Augustine contends that the latter makes use of the earthly peace “until this mortal state, for which such peace is necessary, shall have passed away.” In this way, harmony is preserved in the earthly or mortal city. Augustine alludes to the salvation to be enjoyed by being part of the Heavenly City that is a pilgrim in the earthly city and to the “true” peace it promises in the Heavenly City.

Those who do not live by the faith must find earthly peace in the temporal life, whereas those who live by the faith can look forward to the eternal life.

The earthly city establishes rule and co-operation for the sake of attaining things in earthly life, whereas the Heavenly city must make use of the earthly peace until the mortal state has passed.

The mortal condition that is common to the two cities preserves the harmony between them.

Heavenly and earthly cities cannot have laws of religion in common.

Online text: [|The City of God Against the Pagans], New Advent Encyclopedia Edition.

=Study Questions= (Add, answer, and discuss study questions for this author and reading) Both Aristotle and Augustine believe that the end of a political community should be to enhance the lives of the members of the community **(unclear 1186051762)**. They differ somewhat in their focus on what constitutes this enhancement. Aristotle believes that contributing to the //polis// and participating in political thought **(? 1186051762)** is an important part of living the good life - which is his idea of the "natural end" for a man involved in a political community. Augustine believed that the major end of a political community should be to allow for the peace of its members, freeing them from the ravages of war. **(Not quite right, though on the right track 1186051762)** The earthly city and the heavenly city are similar in that they both love peace. However, the peace of the earthly city is a false peace, created by the domination and enslavement of others. Although this dominion is peace in the sense that it eliminates threats to security, it can only be maintained through continued bloodshed and oppression. The heavenly city, on the other hand, understands that the only true way to peace is through a love of God, and through God, a love of all people.
 * What is the natural end of political communities? How does Augustine compare to Aristotle on this question?
 * What are the earthly and the heavenly cities?

This distinction between the earthly and the heavenly city can be viewed as metaphorical. In reality, both cities exist within societies and individuals. Everyone seeks peace, but if they follow the way of the earthly city, war is inevitable because they will always be fighting to gain security. However, by following the way of the heavenly city, it is possible to have peace for all through a shared love of God. He dislikes war, and prefers it not to happen. He does say that there may be some conditions under which war may be justifiable **(where, and which conditions? 1187003816)**, but he is not particularly specific about when this would be. Augustine is clear even when the war are just they are still terrible, for Augustine a just resort for waging war would be be in defense or 'to remedy some injustice. **(Could provide a more precise answer with some evidence for these claims 1187003816)**
 * What does Augustine think of war? Does it look as if war could ever be justified, from this reading?

Augustine believes war is terrible because it as at odds with much of the bible **(this is not the reason he gives 1186051762)**. The suggestion of "turning the other cheek", and the commandment not to kill are examples of this.

He thinks war results from misunderstandings, often of language.
 * (not quite, though there is something to this. What about the desire for peace and its perversion? 1186051762)**.

No, Augustine thinks that Roman Empire is not just because it was built by conquest. In fact he likens Rome to a band of thieves, and the only reason why it is not recognised as such is because it has become both large enough and powerful enough to be called an empire. Peace seems to be broader than just an absence of conflict for Augustine, it is also being in peace with nature and the order of things. He says that peace is the aim of all men and even the aim of war, because war only ends with peace. He says that even those who seek war for glory really seek peace because glory only comes with victory and peace at the end of the war. (Though it doesn't seem very consistent that peace could include the subjugation of another people at the end of a war of aggression). Peace is the Final Good we aim for and the only good there is according to Augustine. That they are unimportant compared to God. For Augustine, and many other saints, Christianity is the greatest good of all. Augustine does not condemn people for owning material goods, but nor does he encourage it. He believes that a wealthy man's life is less appealing than the life of a man of moderate means. This is because the wealthy man is troubled by fears fed by his greed while the man of moderate means is self sufficient and having little wealth does not have to fear people continuously wishing to steal from him.
 * Is the Roman empire just, judging from the excerpts given in the reading?
 * What is the function of justice?
 * What is peace? Why is it the end or desire of all men?
 * Who are the citizens of the city of god?
 * What is their proper attitude toward material goods?

- What are the political implications of Augustine's division between the City of God and the City of Man? (Taken from POLS/phil 2005 exam)

=External Resources= (Add links to useful external resources)
 * A good [|introduction] to Augustine's life and works, with links to texts and commentaries.
 * Original [|Latin text] of the //City of God//.
 * http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/jod/augustine.html is a link to research materials and essays of Augustines work.

=Selected bibliography= The standard biography of Augustine. A very readable, even personal, account of Augustine's political thought. Chapter 5 is especially good on Augustine's thought on international relations.
 * Brown, Peter. 1967 [New edition 2000]. //Augustine of Hippo//. London: Faber and Faber. [|Library catalog].
 * Bethke Elshtain, Jean. 1995. //Augustine and the Limits of Politics//. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press. [|Library catalog].
 * Loriaux, Michael. 1992. "The Realists and Saint Augustine: Skepticism, Psychology, and Moral Action in International Relations Thought." //International Studies Quarterly//, Vol. 36, No. 4. (Dec., 1992), pp. 401-420. [|Link].
 * Abstract**: The political thought of Saint Augustine contributed, primarily through the writings of Reinhold Niebuhr, to the development of political realism in the twentieth century. Augustine and the realist share a fundamental skepticism regarding the prospects of moral and political progress. It is this skepticism that is the characteristic and even definitional attribute of realist thought. But Augustine's realism is more radical than that of the modern. Modern realism assumes a certain stylized psychology that allows the realist to portray world politics as an arena of strategic interaction. Augustine's more radical skepticism doubts the possibility of rational strategic action. Yet, building on this more radical skepticism, Augustine demonstrates the possibility and the need for moral action in a realist world. Augustine challenges the modern realist to explore more systematically the skeptical foundations of realist thought.